Maharashtra Municipal Corporation Elections: A challenge for the opposition.

Elections to various municipal corporations in Maharashtra have been completed, and the Bharatiya Janata Party has emerged as the principal victor. Out of a total of 2,869 corporators across all municipal corporations, the party-wise distribution is as follows: BJP 1,459 seats, Shiv Sena (Shinde faction) 399, Congress 324, NCP (Ajit Pawar faction) 167, Shiv Sena (Thackeray faction) 155, AIMIM 114, Sharad Pawar faction 36, MNS 13, BSP 06, Independents 19, and smaller parties 215.

According to these results, the opposition’s strength is concentrated mainly in Latur, Vasai–Virar, Chandrapur, Malegaon, Parbhani, and Bhiwandi–Nizampur municipal corporations, where they may elect their Mayor. However, this cannot be considered easy. Observing the functioning of the ruling parties in Maharashtra, it is evident that even in corporations where they lack a majority, they will attempt to install their own mayor. Through the use of “saam, daam, dand, bhed,” newly elected opposition corporators may be influenced—something that has now become a familiar pattern in the country. The anti-defection law has become ineffective, resembling a toothless United Nations. Courts too appear largely unmoved in such matters.

On the other hand, the ruling alliance will have mayors in Mumbai, Nagpur, Pune, Thane, Navi Mumbai, Ulhasnagar, Kalyan–Dombivli, Mira–Bhayandar, Panvel, Nashik, Dhule, Jalgaon, Ahilyanagar, Pimpri–Chinchwad, Solapur, Kolhapur, Sangli, Miraj–Kupwad, Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar, Nanded–Waghala, Amravati, Akola, Ichalkaranji, and Jalna.

Thus, in 23 out of 29 municipal corporations in the state, the mayor will belong to the BJP-led alliance. In these corporations, the opposition will have no scope for interference.

The Mumbai Municipal Corporation election, which had drawn national attention, witnessed a major upheaval. After 33 years under the influence of Balasaheb Thackeray, the BMC has now gone to the Bharatiya Janata Party. However, the results also show that Uddhav Thackeray’s Shiv Sena still retains a strong base in Mumbai. Had BJP not secured some corporators unopposed, the BMC might have remained with Uddhav Thackeray.
In constituencies where NOTA is considered a candidate on the ballot, the election of corporators without any voting is ethically questionable. Civil society, the Election Commission, and the Supreme Court must take note of this. Those who once championed NOTA—Anna Hazare and his team—are nowhere to be seen today. Their credibility has eroded significantly, and history must record their role with factual accuracy.

In these municipal elections, AIMIM has performed notably well, winning 114 corporator seats. This marks a significant shift in the political mindset of the Muslim community. While this may be a warning bell for certain national parties, it may also lead to political isolation of the Muslim community in the future.
Meanwhile, Ambedkarite politics has suffered a severe setback, with BSP and Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi securing only limited victories. Once again, it has been proven that Ambedkarite politics can succeed only when Ambedkarite factions unite. Many so‑called Ambedkarite groups form alliances with both progressive and established right wing parties, while local-level dealmakers issue voting instructions through pamphlets and WhatsApp messages based on their convenience. As a result, the Ambedkarite vote has become leaderless and fragmented. It is evident once again that social-issue-based unity does not necessarily translate into political success.

Considering regional dominance, Sharad Pawar’s political influence appears to be nearing its end. Due to age, he may no longer remain active. Since neither Ajit Pawar nor Supriya Sule possess Sharad Pawar’s political style, questions arise about whether their influence will survive even in Baramati. The BJP and RSS have built a strong hold over the Maratha and OBC communities through Hindutva and religious outreach. Through Hindutva, religion, satsangs, and kirtans, the BJP–RSS network has penetrated deep into rural areas. Consequently, the dominance of the Pawar faction over Maratha votes has diminished, as seen in the Pune, Pimpri–Chinchwad, and Kolhapur municipal elections.

As for the OBCs, they are not a homogeneous group but a cluster of many castes. Therefore, no single leader can represent the entire OBC community. The BJP–RSS has long been cultivating caste-specific leadership. They have also established a subtle psychological influence over the broader Hindu society. Hence, future politics will revolve around religion, Hindutva, Muslim identity,  caste, and administrative control—and it is not difficult to see who will benefit from such a landscape.

On the other side, the Congress appears to be heading toward political decline. Whether it will rise again like a phoenix remains a critical question. Comparing Congress’s seventy years of governance and its role in the freedom struggle with the BJP’s eleven years in power, it is evident that the BJP has established dominance in a much shorter time. It seems likely that a “sleeper cell” of the RSS existed within Congress since the independence era; otherwise, the RSS’s expansion and upgradation would not have been possible. Many Congress leaders are opportunistic and disconnected from the party’s ideology. In such circumstances, rebuilding the Congress ideologically poses a major challenge for Rahul Gandhi.

Overall, the municipal election results indicate that future elections in Maharashtra and elsewhere will not be easy for the opposition. BJP claiming, “We will remain in power for the next fifty years,” should be taken seriously by the opposition. Only if all opposition parties (big and small group) unite to field one common candidate in every constituency can they hope for victory. Otherwise, the chain of defeats will continue.

 

Written by

Bapu Raut, Mumbai, Maharashtra

Author and analyst

bapumraut@gmail.com

9334343464